Modern Greek Deverbal Adjectives in -tos: a lexical semantic approach

With this study, a detailed semantic classiication of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected in the case of-menos, but no such evidence is available for the adjectives in-tos. 1 The problem It has been claimed in the literature (cf. Setatos 1984], p.83) that the Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in-tos: A. denote a change in the nature of their reference. But: Many of the deverbal adjectives in-tos DO NOT denote a change in the nature of their reference. For example, the adjective vras-tos (boiled) denotes a transformation in the expression vras-to kreas (boiled meat), but the adjective kelaristos (babbling) in the expression kelaristi pigi (babbling waterfall) does not denote any change in the nature of the waterfall. Moreover, the adjective kini-tos (mobile) denotes a capability of its reference. B. do not refer to the subject of the action denoted by the verb. But: In Section 2.2 we will present a whole class of deverbal adjectives in-tos which refer to the subject of the action denoted by the verb (for example, gelas-tos (smiling)). C. do not bear any reference to time. According to Setatos, the adjectival participles ending in-menos denote an \anterior" event. But: In his analysis, Setatos 1984] does not clarify the content of the notion \anterior event". This clariication is necessary, though, because adjectives constitute a nominal category, while the expression of time is a privilege of verbs. Compare, for instance, the following examples: (1) vras-meno boiled nero water 1